In our previous post, through excerpts from Dr. Corsi’s book, Killing the Deep State: The Fight to Save President Trump, published in March, 2018, we exposed how Hillary Clinton fabricated the Trump-Russia collusion narrative to cover her crimes and set up Trump and his incoming administration. In this post, we expose the various methods the Deep State used to try to prevent Donald Trump from becoming President in 2017 by manipulating the Electoral College and how all of those efforts came crashing down.
We have John Brennan, supposedly John Brennan, leaking to the Washington Post, to a biased newspaper like the New York Times. Findings and conclusions that he’s not telling the intelligence community, King said in an appearance on ABC’s This Week Sunday show. “It seems like, to me, there should be an investigation with what the Russians did, but also an investigation of John Brennan and the hit job he seems to be orchestrating against the President-elect,” he insisted.
Though unconfirmed, reports circulated that the Obama administration’s Director of National Intelligence, James Clapper, held a meeting in his last days in office to float the idea of going to a Supreme Court justice to block Trump’s inauguration, on the premise that he only won because he colluded with Russia to hack Podesta emails that Russia leaked to WikiLeaks. Clapper discussed blocking the inauguration on the grounds that Trump was an illegitimate president due to alleged Russian interference in the elections, Patrick Howley, a writer for BigLeaguePolitics.com, reported. Supposedly, a high-level member of the intelligence community, who witnessed the meeting, reported that Clapper discussed going to one of the three female Supreme Court justices to make the case that the alleged Russian interference could invalidate Trump’s claim to the presidency.
Hamilton Electors Urge Electoral College Vote-Switching Scheme
Perhaps the most desperate last-ditch effort to block Trump from the White House was organized by a group of citizens calling themselves Hamilton Electors. The scheme involved unearthing obscure arguments from the Federalist Papers, in a twisted attempt to argue that the Electoral College was created to keep a scoundrel like Trump from becoming president. We honor Alexander Hamilton’s vision that the Electoral College should, when necessary, act as a constitutional fail-safe against those lacking the qualifications from becoming president, the Hamilton Electors website proclaimed.
In 2016, we’re dedicated to putting political parties aside and putting America first. Electors have already come forward, calling upon other electors from both red and blue states to unite behind a responsible Republican candidate for the good of the nation. The goal of the Hamilton Electors was to convince enough of the 538 members of the Electoral College scheduled to meet in their state capitals on December 19, 2016, to switch their votes to prevent Trump from getting the 270 electoral votes needed to be elected president.
As freelance journalist Lily O’Donnell pointed out in an article published on November 21, 2016 in The Atlantic, Michael Bacco of Colorado and Brett Schiavolo of Washington State were the two Democratic electors who called themselves Hamilton Electors. The two Democrats formed the Hamilton Electors in the hope of creating a national movement aimed at throwing the 2016 election into the House of Representatives. Still, given that Republicans controlled the House in 2016, the most the Hamilton Electors could have hoped to accomplish would have been to delegitimize Trump’s victory by getting enough electors to switch their votes.
Bacco and Schiavolo argued that Alexander Hamilton was right in Federalist Paper No. 68, in which he wrote that the Electoral College was deemed necessary because choosing a president by popular vote would give the most populated states, like New York and California today, an unfair advantage that would fail to account for the choices of lesser populated states. The Hamilton Electors hoped to emphasize Hamilton’s argument that the office of president will never fall to the lot of any man who is not in an eminent degree endowed with the requisite qualifications.
The point was that Trump should be denied the victory because he lacked the moral qualifications to be president, a fact the Hamilton Electors thought had been affirmed by Hillary winning the popular vote. To be successful, the Hamilton Electors would have had to convince 37 electors committed to voting for Trump to vote for someone else, a nearly impossible feat to accomplish. As the Hamilton Electors’ plan gained publicity in the mainstream media, the electors in Colorado and Washington State began to promote the idea that renegade electors should vote for a moderate Republican candidate, such as Republican Governor John Kasich of Ohio.
Kasich, a former GOP presidential candidate, sat out the Republican National Convention in Cleveland as an expression of his opposition to Trump. In their best-case scenario, the Hamilton Electors dreamed of uniting 135 Republican and 135 Democratic electors behind Kasich, thus securing the presidency for a moderate Republican. In their fallback strategy, the Hamilton Electors plotted to convince 37 of the Republican electors in states that voted for Trump to switch their votes to Kasich, throwing the election into the House of Representatives.
Their thought was that the GOP leadership in the House might be willing to twist the arms of Republican House members to vote for Kasich instead of Trump, a strategy designed to secure the presidency for the GOP while at the same time dumping Trump. As December 19th approached, the day set for the electors to meet in their various state capitals, Republican members of the Electoral College faced intense pressure, including personal harassment and death threats, as pro-Hillary and anti-Trump forces combined in their desperate attempt to keep Trump out of the White House. The bullying from the Trump haters was nearly overwhelming, with some electors receiving as many as 50,000 emails in the run-up to December 19th, clogging their electronic devices with unwanted anti-Trump venom.
Before the electors met to vote, a Harvard University group backed by constitutional law professor Lawrence Lessing got into the act, offering free legal advice to electors deciding to change their votes. Despite all the media hoopla, the Block Trump Electoral College scheme was as dismal a failure as Jill Stein’s ill-conceived recount maneuver. In the end, Trump received 304 electoral votes to Clinton’s 227, two fewer than he earned on November the 8th, with more electors going rogue and defecting from Clinton than defecting from Trump.
The period in which opposition to Donald Trump moved beyond ordinary political disagreement and into efforts to question whether his victory should be honored at all. The fact that Intelligence officials considered blocking the inauguration is evidence of a coordinated campaign.
The Hamilton Electors represented a different kind of challenge because they operated through a real constitutional mechanism, even if their interpretation of that mechanism was flawed and partisan. The Electoral College was designed with deliberative features, but its modern function has generally been to formalize state election results rather than authorize electors to improperly replace voters’ choices based on personal judgments about a candidate’s “character.” Invoking Alexander Hamilton’s argument in Federalist No. 68 illustrates how historical language can be selectively used to support modern political objectives, especially when constitutional ambiguity becomes a vehicle for resisting an unwelcome outcome.
The pressure placed on electors also reveals the dangers of treating constitutional actors as instruments of partisan rescue. Harassment, threats, mass messaging campaigns, and attempts to persuade electors to disregard their state results undermines the very deliberative process that proponents claim to defend. At the same time, the episode demonstrates that constitutional protest and political dissent are not automatically illegitimate. The essential question is whether such efforts remain transparent, lawful, and grounded in principles that would be accepted if the opposing party had attempted the same strategy.
The broader future impact lies in the precedent created by disputed elections. If losing parties routinely seek to overturn results through intelligence allegations, faithless electors, procedural loopholes, or institutional pressure, elections become only the first stage of an indefinite struggle over power. National stability requires room for recounts, investigations, litigation, and constitutional debate, but it also requires a point at which the result is accepted and governing begins unhindered. The 2016 Electoral College effort ultimately failed, yet its legacy remains a warning that constitutional safeguards can protect our republic only when participants use them to preserve lawful self-government rather than to nullify the electorate’s decision.
Do those dots connect? You decide.
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